MolotovHalfEmpty [he/him]

  • 6 Posts
  • 135 Comments
Joined 5 years ago
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Cake day: July 29th, 2020

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  • Lenin probably never even saw that particular car, never mind rode it it. Although he (along with others) did have use of a similar early Rolls Royce’s over the years. It was less about luxury and more about the fact that Rolls Royce has an engineering firm had a global reputation for reliability - especially in extreme weather - compare to other car manufacturers because of their experience making aeroplane engines and components.

    If people are interested, the Surrey Vintage Vehicle Society put out a three part article tacing its provenance and clearing up some of the myths on the internet about it. That link starts on Part 3, which is the bit explicitly about that model and the cars Lenin did use, but it’s all interesting (if you’re a massive transport or history nerd). There’s a few minor, smug asides from the author, but the work is good and it contains some amusing details, like finding doucments showing that one car had to be returned to Moscow for repair because someone joyrode it and almost crashed into some cows.


  • I’m not exactly sure what you’re asking, but…

    Alex Garland has made multiple films with A24. Warfare, Civil War, Men, Annihilation, & Ex Machina (in order of newest to oldest).

    This comment thread was talking about how poor Civil War was.

    I was also pointing out that he’d previously made a far superior film with similar themes and structure when he made Annihilation, which really demonstrates just how poor Civil War is even by comparison to his own work on similar ideas.

    (Also, in regard to your other comment, I have no idea what it is exactly that you “called”)


  • This is well deconstructed @rom and I would put money on the fact that the phone itself is bullshit, with software added and then placed in the hands of friendly (read: paid for) hacks to report on.

    To add two points on the bullshit ‘secret screenshotting’:

    • This is what Microsoft’s Co-Pilot integration does via its ‘Recall’ feature (except MS does it every few seconds or more). Since it’s initial rollout it’s been widely criticised with multiple national privacy and security watchdogs getting involved. Microsoft (which its worth remembering again is an asset of the US military & intelligence state) has responded by merely mking it slightly less difficult to ask to opt out. The feature remains in place.
    • Also, if the phone was screenshotting and saving it on a folder every five minutes as described a 32gb phone would have its entire memory full of nothing but those screenshots in 3-4 months. So obviously people would notice or North Korean citizens would be going through multiple phones a year (can’t delete the files if they’re in a hidden folder you can’t access).







  • No problem.

    Arguably it had something to do with Britain’s class system being so heavily dominated by the aristocratic class. That created space for even some reasonably wealthy, middle-class and beyond people (particularly scholars, writers, educators, doctors, occassionally clergy etc rather than industrialists for example) to recognise a top down society that they also viewed as repressive to them at some level. Similar overlapping interests helped it gain solidarity with the suffragette movement for example, which included committed communists and anarchists, but nonetheless also had its fair share of liberals and even fascists.

    It’s also probably worth keeping in mind that the early and argueably most directly influential years of the Fabian society and movement predated even the October revolution in 1917, never mind the Chinese communist revolution in '27, so there was a lot of ‘socialism in theory’ going on. By the '30s Fabians were leaving (or being pushed out) right and left for their support of Stalin in particular, but also AES states in general.



  • It began as basically an Edwardian ‘socialist but anti-revolutionary’ group of bourgeois and petit-bourgeois thinkers. They were overwhelmingly middle class or above.

    The key difference (and sticking point with other socialists) was that they believed in ‘gradualism’, not revolution. They believed that socialism would only be achieved by participation in the current political and electoral system, in order to spread socialist ideas through government, education, media etc. Their first issue and aim was arguably a reasonable one - there was no left wing never mind socialist party in British politics, just the Tories and Liberals.

    Even some high profile members who were original believers left the Fabian society and grew skeptical of it pretty quickly though. H.G. Wells left after disillusionment with what he saw as a middle-class party not sufficiently different from other bourgeois parties.

    And things got worse from there.

    They supported the Boer war, and not just out of some fear of being branded traitors. They made their position clear by arguing that empowerment of the working classes in Britain would create a ‘new imperial race’ that would fight Britain’s imperial wars and expand its empire around the globe. It was at that point that Bertrand Russell left in disgust, citing it becoming an imperial project as the reason.

    They were admittedly a major part of the creation of the Labour Party at the turn of the century, but they were just one third of it, and plenty of people have argued the most problematic third for the advancement of socialism over the other two founders - the Independent Labour Party and the Trade Union Congress (not that they’re without criticism either). And their reformism did gain some degree of popularity and results, especially around the building of social welfare and introducing ideas of social justice into the political mainstream and national identity.

    It always lacked real solidarity though, fracturing over it being a nationalist, imperialist project. Fracturing further over the need the be anti-Stalinist. Then over more militant trade unions and wildcat strikes. And so on. Lots of people would point to the Fabian element in the Labour party as the wedge in the door that kept it open for the wholesale neoliberal takeover in the 1990s onwards.